Friday, November 26, 2010

On Ethics, Economists, and Economics

Prompted by discussion of a recent film, the “Inside Job” (see here and here for reviews), John Steele of the Legal Ethics Forum asks, “Do Economists Need a Code of Ethics?” I give a brief reply in two comments (please bear in mind that these are blog comments, hence the subject is addressed in a somewhat cursory manner).

Update: I’ve responded in the comments section above to a question from Professor Mark D. White of the Economics and Ethics blog asking what I think of the argument of Deirdre McCloskey and others “that markets are consistent with classical ideas of the good life, eudaimonia, etc.”

[Cross-posted at ReligiousLeftLaw.com]

Thursday, November 25, 2010

Happy Thanksgiving!

The Auspicious Wish (Buddhism)—

At this very moment, for the peoples and the nations of the earth,
may not even the names disease, famine, war and suffering be heard.
Rather, may their moral conduct, merit, wealth and prosperity increase,
and may supreme good fortune and well-being always arise for them.


From the Daodejing (51)—

The Way [Dao] produces them;
Virtue [de] rears them;
Things shape them;
Circumstances perfect them.
This is why the myriad creatures all revere the Way and
honor Virtue.
The Way is revered and Virtue honored not because this is
decreed,
but because it is natural.
And so the Way produces them and Virtue rears them;
Raises and nurtures them;
Settles and confirms them;
Nourishes and shelters them.
To produce without possessing;
To act with no expectation of reward;
To lead without lording over;
Such is Enigmatic Virtue!

[Philip J. Ivanhoe, tr.]

Tuesday, November 16, 2010

Law & Disagreement

I am reading once more Jeremy Waldron’s wonderful book, Law and Disagreement (1999), the complementary volume to his equally worthy Seeley Lectures, published as The Dignity of Legislation (1999) (for the record, I don’t share Waldron’s thoughts—or those of Larry Kramer or Mark Tushnet for that matter—on judicial review), which is relevant to several things I’m working on, but especially toward completing a couple of reviews of recent books treating Hobbes’s moral and political philosophy. The passage below struck me as relevant to the Republican Party and Tea Party movement’s implacable, intransigent, and vociferous opposition to the recent health care reform legislation signed into law by President Obama in March of this year: the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and the Health Care and Reconciliation Act of 2010. Even before the ink was dry on the bill, state attorneys general in thirteen states were filing suits challenging the constitutionality of the legislation, despite the fact that some of our best constitutional law scholars publicly proclaimed its constitutional integrity.

Consider the following from Waldron’s supplement to Raz’s “normal justification thesis”—distilled from The Authority of Law: Essays on Law and Morality (1979) and The Morality of Freedom (1986)—wherein the main demand law makes on us as subjects is that we comply with it.* In addition to or apart from this demand, writes Waldron,

“[C]onstitutions, statutes, and judicial decisions and opinions make additional demands on us as lawyers, jurists, politicians, and active, opinionated citizens. When something is enacted as law or as a source of law, I believe it makes on us a demand not to immediately disparage it, or think of ways of nullifying it or getting around it, or mobilizing the immune system of corpus juris so as to resist its incorporation. This must be stated carefully, for systems like ours also make available generous structures like appeal, constitutional amendment, legislative reversal, judicial review, periodic elections, and so on; so, in a sense, no one is ever required to accept a political or legal defeat as final or irreversible. However, the demand that interests me operates in the logical space between denying or ignoring a statute or other legal decision and working responsibly for its repeal or reversal. It is a demand for a certain sort of recognition and…respect—that this, for the time being, is what the community has come up with and that it should not be ignored or disparaged simply because some of us propose, when we can, to repeal it.” (p. 100)

Conservatives and libertarians (recalling that not a few Democrats voted against the bill) have, I think, failed to live up to the basic demand Waldron describes here as a respect for the “dignity of legislation” and other sources of law. They’ve conspicuously displayed a disconcerting failure to accord the Health Reform Acts the recognition and respect due them, a respect that is, “in part the tribute we should pay to the achievement of concerted, cooperative, coordinated, or collective action in the circumstances of modern life” (p. 101). The authority and respect due such legislation occurs in the context of what Waldron terms the “circumstances of politics” (analogous to the Humean and Rawlsian ‘circumstances of justice’), “including the circumstance of disagreement as to whether it is even a step in the right direction.” The sundry corrosive effects of this failure are of a piece with the vague and generalized disaffection with government that’s reached a feverish pitch in some quarters and is being dangerously exploited by demagogic politicians, irresponsible pundits and other public celebrities.

*The thesis claims, in particular, “that the normal way to establish that a person has authority over another person involves showing that the alleged subject is likely better to comply with reasons which apply to him (other than the alleged authoritative directives) if he accepts the directives as authoritatively binding and tries to follow them, rather than by trying to follow the reasons which apply to him directly.”

Update: At ReligiousLeftLaw.com, my beloved co-blogger Steve Shiffrin disagrees with Waldron's conception of the dignity and respect due legislation qua legislation, claiming it is “politically unreasonable,” that it is implicated in the promotion of political quiescence or somehow discourages dissent. Perhaps needless to say, I don't think that follows from Waldron's account, hence my somewhat inarticulate response in the comments. On such matters I find myself an unabashed Liberal!

Wednesday, November 10, 2010

Law & Literature Bibliography

At The Literary Table blog I've posted the first draft of a bibliography (books only, in English) for "Law & Literature." At a future date I will make this compilation available for download as a Word doc. here at Ratio Juris.

Saturday, November 06, 2010

The Myth of Charter Schools

Central Los Angeles High School, #9

In The New York Review of Books (November 11, 2010), Diane Ravitch discusses Davis Guggenheim’s film, Waiting for ‘Superman’: The Myth of Charter Schools.
And from a profile of Ravitch by Emily Bazelon in The Atlantic (November 2010):
When Diane Ravitch decided that reform ideas like robust testing, charter schools, and No Child Left Behind were imperiling rather than saving American education, she managed to break with her former Republican allies and start a fight with Obama Democrats, all at once. For Ravitch, this wasn’t merely a course correction, it was a complete turnaround: when she was an assistant secretary of education during George H. W. Bush’s administration, she was all for more standardized testing and for school choice. During the Bush II years, she cheered the passage of No Child Left Behind. But in her new book, The Death and Life of the Great American School System (2010), Ravitch says the evidence shows that vouchers and charters don’t actually serve kids better on average than regular public schools, and that testing has squeezed every creative drop out of the school day—who has time for art class when success depends on drilling students in math? Ravitch has also come to view the closing of “failing” schools that’s required by No Child Left Behind as an unfair attack on the teachers and principals who work with low-income students.
Teachers unions and some civil-rights groups sounded these alarms before Ravitch did. But her sharp writing and mastery of history (she’s an education professor and historian at New York University) mean that no one makes the case more forcefully. [….]
[Cross-Posted at ReligiousLeftLaw.com]