Tea Party Politics versus the Collective Intelligence & Rule of the Many: The (elusive) Virtues of Democratic Reason
Grassroots Tea
Partiers see themselves in a last-ditch effort to save “their country,” and
big-money ideologues are determined to undercut Democrats and sabotage active
government. They are in this fight for the long
haul. Neither set of actors will
stand down easily or very soon. [….] [I]t will take a long and dogged struggle to
root out radical obstructionism on the right, and the years ahead could yet see
Tea Partiers succeed by default. Unless non-Tea Party Republicans,
independents, and Democrats learn both to defeat and to work around
anti-government extremism—finding ways to do positive things for the majority of
ordinary citizens along the way—Tea Party forces will still win in the end.
They will triumph just by hanging on long
enough to cause most Americans to give up in disgust on our blatantly
manipulated democracy and our permanently hobbled government.— Theda Skocpol
In a liberal democratic polity, “[m]uch of what goes on in
actual social and political bargaining…concern[s] the negotiation and
renegotiation of beliefs.”[1] In a legislative assembly, we find bargaining alongside
another form of communication or “speech act,” arguing. Both arguing and bargaining as speech acts occur in the
context of the collective decision-making of legislative bodies that typically
conclude with the act of voting (and ‘vote trading,’ as a form of bargaining,
may be part of this aggregation of preferences). Robert Goodin notes that
disputes over beliefs are occasionally resolved through persuasion, but more
often they’re “resolved” through negotiation. In such cases, the parties retain
belief in the truth of their respective beliefs, but seeing the need to “get on
with it” (e.g., governing; doing something rather nothing; having some
predictable and tangible effect on a problem rather than effectively ignoring
it, and so forth), are willing to work toward decisions that allow them to
retain their beliefs but act “as if” other propositions may be true (for the
time being at least or until such time as they may prove otherwise). The
propositions agreed to through such bargaining or negotiation are therefore
treated “as if true” for the purposes at hand, so as to come to a resolution,
arrive at a decision, determine this or that course of coordinated action. When
the give-and-take of bargaining is successful, according to Goodin, it ends in
an agreement, an agreement on “what we will do, and why.” As to arguing, those
representing the Tea Party in the legislature believe such arguments should only
end in consensus: in final agreement
on their political views. Short of
consensus, arguments are merely rhetorical formulations designed for mass media
consumption, hence the voting of legislator is of little value (say, to identify
the enemy) unless there’s assurance it will end in consensual agreement on their
platform (or some component part thereof).
More could be said (and Goodin has much more to say) about
such bargaining, but it suffices to demonstrate how Tea Party activists and
politicians are conspicuous in their stubbornness with regard to acting as if
they’ll succeed only through argument
that ends in persuading or convincing those who disagree with them
in the (absolute) truth of their political “agenda.” This helps explain their
recalcitrant refusal to negotiate, which is couched in the rhetoric of political
“principle” so as to appear to be taking the high road above the dark and dire
world of conventional politics, the former possessing putative revolutionary
resonance in the politics of the Founding Fathers and an ostensibly “popular
originalist” reading of the Constitution. The ritual invocation of principle
reflects rather a collective self-righteousness and an unwarranted confidence in
the absolute veracity of their beliefs, in other words, an unwillingness to
concede that it’s possible they may be mistaken or wrong, in addition to
reckless disregard of the likely harmful socio-economic and political
consequences of such arrogant confidence. It further reflects their belief that
“no-governance” is a perfectly acceptable political outcome (a satisfactory
default position as it were), a viable alternative to some-governance, real-world effects on
people’s lives be damned. In turn, this unduly restricts (or insulates or
diminishes) the scope and content of otherwise “public reasons” insofar as
parties are assumed to (or should) be arguing and bargaining over reasons,
values, and interests among a public (or publics). Why? Because it effectively
ignores the fact that such political deliberation necessarily entails arguing
and bargaining in recognition of differential perceptions of the most compelling
public reasons about what is in the public interest, about what constitutes the
common good. It is in that case, that the need to come to a political resolution
among the parties, to act in one way or another, perforce must allow for a
decision to be reached that may and usually does fall considerably short of
anything close to the rational persuasion or conversion of one party by another
party of the (absolute) truth of its agenda.
What makes for politics here, with regard to the common
good at least, is a zero-sum game, and for the Tea Party itself, a
winner-take-all game. For Tea Party members, second- or third-best scenarios do
not exist: what is not at the top of their preference ranking is by definition
at the bottom. Agreeing to joint action is not a sufficient reason to engage in
give-and-take bargaining, to reach compromises of some sort, for to let another
party—in the end, and this time ‘round at least—prevail, is out of the question,
for that is to relativize absolute truth, to compromise on patriotic principle.
Reasoning together in the legislature as a whole, on this account, can never improve the prospects for “just”
legislation:
“I may think politically as the partisan of a particular
conception of justice competing uncompromisingly with its rivals. But I cannot
think responsibly about institutions if my thinking is dominated completely by
my substantive political convictions. To think about institutions and politics,
I must be willing at least part of the time to view even my own convictions
about justice—however true or important I take them to be—as merely one set of
convictions among others in society, and to address in a relatively neutral way
the question of what we as a society are to do about the fact that people like
me disagree with others in society about matters on which we need a common view.
That is the logic of legislation. It is not an easy logic to live with, for it
entails that much of the time one will be party to—or, at the very least, one’s
name will be associated with—the sharing and implementation of a view about
justice that is not one’s own.”[2]
The collective endeavors served by meeting the
responsibilities intrinsic to democratic representation cannot trump the essentially libertarian agenda for Tea
Party Republicans, for they must act merely, hence solely, as populist (i.e.,
direct and unreflective) representatives of a (neoliberal and extremist
right-wing) political agenda, thus neither in the first instance or incidentally
as guardians or trustees of a common good arrived at though (indirect and
reflective) democratic processes of representation and deliberation that, in
part, at least, must resort to bargaining and negotiation so as to responsibly
govern in a liberal democratic fashion. In other words, Tea Party members let
their commitment to largely libertarian and neo-conservative politics and values
run roughshod over a possibly deeper or simply prior commitment to democratic
decision-making and the institutional bodies designed to give voice to the
sovereignty of “the people.” Tea Party members do not believe in the wisdom of
“the people” as democratically constituted by legislative assemblies (one reason
we refer so often to and well understand the meaning of ‘Tea Party
obstructionism’). Put differently, they do not believe that “[t]he people acting as
a body are capable of making better decisions by pooling their knowledge,
experience, and insight, than any subset of the people acting as a body and
pooling the knowledge, experience, and insight of the members of the
subset.”[3] In short, the Tea Party “subset” of “the people” believes
it has a monopoly on knowledge,
experience, and insight. To subject this knowledge, experience, and insight to
the terms and conditions of negotiation and bargaining is to break up its
ideological monopoly on what makes for justice, to abandon its factional vision
of the Good, to soil its patriotic convictions. Their politics is at odds with
what Rawls identified as a defining feature of a democratic political culture,
namely, a “diversity of conflicting and irreconcilable comprehensive doctrines.”
Tea Party members can never concede that those not persuaded by or convinced of
its political platform may nonetheless be capable of articulating the “wisdom of
the multitude” in an Aristotelian sense, that those who disagree with them may
turn out to be the better judges “not only of matters of fact, not only of
social utility, but also and most importantly of matters of value, matters of
principle and the nature of the good life….”[4]
For the Tea Party, the legislative product of political
argument and bargaining—and thus anything short of incarnating belief in the
truth of its political agenda—must be characterized, ironically, as the “tyranny
of the majority.” The Tea Party is not committed to pluralist politics, to
granting the likelihood let alone the virtues of persisting political
disagreements, what Waldron argues “must be regarded…as one of the elementary
conditions of modern politics,” such disagreement being part and parcel of the
Humean-like (i.e., conducted within the constraints of scarcity and limited
altruism) “circumstances of politics.” Tea Party aficionados can never concede
that “our common basis for action in matters of justice has to be forged in the
heat of our disagreements.”[5] Only legislative enactment of Tea Party principles and
political goals would warrant their possibly speaking of the “dignity of
legislation,” there being nothing whatsoever virtuous or accomplished in the
mere “achievement of concerted, cooperative, coordinated or collective action”
as such, whatever the circumstances of modern life.
Deliberative democratic politics, on this view, is
valuable only to the extent we persuade or convert others to the truth of our
political program: only their
preferences are potentially subject to deliberative transformation, for ours has
the sanctity of correct conviction, a salvific or messianic monopoly on truth.
On this view, there can be no “epistemic” case for democracy, for there is no
such thing as “democratic reason” if that is premised upon a sufficient degree
of cognitive diversity and achieved
through processes of deliberation
(including arguing and bargaining) and majority rule, for democratic reason is
“conditional on the existence of a social and cultural context.” The Tea Party
seeks to overcome or transcend or subsume that context within its
political “subset,” that is, it is dispositionally hostile to any social milieu
that “nurtures and protects, among other differences, cognitive
differences.”[6] The Tea Party enables us to see the vices of an illiberal or authoritarian democratic politics that
seek, in the end, to “foster conformism of views and stifle dissent” (its dissent is nonetheless of strategic
and contingent value). In doing so, its partisans cavalierly risk the distortion
of “both deliberation and majority rule into dangerous mechanisms for collective
unreason, depriving themselves in
particular of the possibility to come up with efficient solutions to collective
problems, accurate information aggregation, and reliable
predictions.”[7]
Notes:
[1] Robert E. Goodin, Reflective Democracy (Oxford University
Press, 2003): 75. Cf.: “The upshot of
bargaining over beliefs is…not any change in people’s beliefs. Nor is it simply
an ‘agreement to disagree.’ The upshot of bargaining over beliefs is instead
that bargainers settle on some course of action, together with some rationale as
to how it is supposed to work to produce the desired results. In the course of
that, they agree to treat certain beliefs ‘as if they were true.’ But they
definitely do so in the subjunctive case—in the tentative and hypothetical way
in which propositions being tested are treated in scientific experiments.”
Goodin: 86-87.
[2] Jeremy Waldron, The Dignity of Legislation (Cambridge
University Press, 1999): 91.
[3] Ibid., 94.
[4] Ibid.,
105-106.
[5] Ibid.,
155.
[6] Hélène Landemore, Democratic Reason: Politics, Collective Intelligence, and the
Rule of the Many (Princeton University Press, 2013).
[7] Ibid., 234.
1 Comments:
Really interesting Patrick, thanks!
I think that you would be really interested in some of the most cutting-edge research that I have come across explaining crowds, and collective intelligence.
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=1919614
And you may also enjoy this blog about the same too:
https://thecrowdsociety.jux.com/
Powerful stuff, no?
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